Opening the floodgates

May 12th, 2009

From The Economist print edition
Imports can be as useful to developing countries as exports are

PAUL KRUGMAN, who won last year’s Nobel prize in economics for his work on trade, wrote in 1993: “What a country really gains from trade is the ability to import things it wants. Exports are not an objective in and of themselves; the need to export is a burden that a country must bear because its import suppliers are crass enough to demand payment.”

This view does not dominate the public debate. Most are thrilled by the idea of export growth, but cower at the prospect of more imports. Such prejudice certainly prevailed in India in 1991, when the IMF foisted tariff cuts on the economy as one of the conditions attached to a $2.5 billion bail-out package. Pessimists fretted that a flood of imports would destroy Indian industry.

For a group of American economists*, however, that sudden trade liberalisation has provided an unusually clear lens through which to study the way that commerce affects the economy. This is precisely because it was externally imposed. That the government had to hew to the IMF’s diktats and slash tariffs across the board gave industries little scope to jockey for exemptions. This made the researchers confident that tariff cuts, and not differences in industries’ ability to lobby the government, were responsible for changes in India’s trade patterns after liberalisation.

As part of those reforms, India slashed tariffs on imports from an average of 90% in 1991 to 30% in 1997. Not surprisingly, imports doubled in value over this period. But the effects on Indian manufacturing were not what the prophets of doom had predicted: output grew by over 50% in that time. And by looking carefully at what was imported and what it was used to make, the researchers found that cheaper and more accessible imports gave a big boost to India’s domestic industrial growth in the 1990s.

This was because the tariff cuts meant more than Indian consumers being able to satisfy their cravings for imported chocolate (though they did that, too). It gave Indian manufacturers access to a variety of intermediate and capital goods which had earlier been too expensive. The rise in imports of intermediate goods was much higher, at 227%, than the 90% growth in consumer-goods imports in the 13 years to 2000.

Theory suggests several ways in which greater access to imports can improve domestic manufacturing. First, cheaper imports may allow firms to produce existing goods using the same inputs as before, but at a lower cost. They could also open up new ways of producing existing goods, and even allow entirely new goods to be made. All this seemed to hold in India. For example, its prolific film industry had continued to make some black-and-white films into the 1970s, in part because of the difficulty of importing enough supplies of colour film. But proving whether the theory applies in practice requires more detailed data, not just about how much firms produced but what they produced, and how all this changed over time.

Most attempts at addressing these questions have foundered because such information is not available. But with India, the researchers were helped, perversely enough, by highly restrictive industrial policies that the country had introduced in the 1950s. These included rules that required companies to report to the authorities every little tweak to their product mix—a burden for firms, but a gold mine for researchers. Happily, the economists found that the data backed up the theory: lower import tariffs did lead to an expansion in product variety through access to new inputs. They found that about 66% of the growth in India’s imports of intermediate goods after liberalisation came from goods the country had simply not bought when its trade regime was more restrictive. These new inputs caused the price of intermediate goods to fall by 4.7% per year after 1989. And detailed data linking inputs to final goods showed that the imports led to an explosion in the variety of products made by Indian manufacturers; the average firm made 1.4 products before liberalisation, but by 2003, this had increased to 2.3. The increases in variety were largest for industries where the input tariffs were cut most, and these industries also saw increased spending on research and development. Overall, the new products that Indian companies introduced were responsible for 25% of the growth in the country’s manufacturing output between 1991 and 1997.
Slash and churn

But one aspect of India’s experience after trade liberalisation did not conform to what the researchers had expected. Normally, as new products are introduced, some older ones stop being made. This “churn” in the market is part of what makes people uncomfortable about lower trade barriers, because it may cause difficult adjustments for some workers or companies. But the Indian variant of creative destruction seemed unusually benign. The researchers found that firms rarely dropped products. One reason for this may be the diversity of India’s economy: there is always a segment lower down the economic pecking order which is happy to buy products that richer consumers scoff at.

This may be unique to countries like India where many levels of development co-exist. But Penny Goldberg, one of the authors, thinks that the methods used in the studies on India can be applied to many other countries where trade has been similarly liberalised and which have good data on firms, such as Colombia and Indonesia. She notes that one of her co-authors, Amit Khandelwal, visited a Coca-Cola bottling plant in China, and noticed that all the machinery was either Japanese or German. China, of course, is known as a big exporter. But it may never have achieved this success without access to a range of imports.

*“Multi-product firms and Product Turnover in the Developing World: Evidence from India”, by Penny Goldberg, Amit Khandelwal, Nina Pavcnik and Petia Topalova. (Forthcoming in the Review of Economics and Statistics.) Other papers available at http://www.princeton.edu/~pennykg/

Illustration by Jac Depczyk

The Development of Econometrics and Empirical Methods in Economics

May 8th, 2009

Econometrics Models and Economic

Economics is about events in the real world. Thus, it is not surprising that much of the debate about whether we should accept one economic theory rather than another has concerned empirical methods of relating the theoretical ideas about economic processes to observation of the real world. Questions abound. Is there any way to relate theory to reality? If there is a way, is there more than one way? Will observation of the real world provide a meaningful test of a theory? How much should direct and purposeful observation of economic phenomena, as opposed to informal heuristic sensibility, drive our understanding of economic events? Given the ambiguity of data, is formal theorizing simply game-playing? Should economics focus more on direct observation and common sense? In this chapter we briefly consider economists’ struggles with questions such as these. Their struggles began with simple observation, then moved to statistics, then to econometrics, and recently to calibration, simulations and experimental work.

The debate about empirical methods in economics has had both a micro-economic and a macroeconomic front. The microeconomic front has, for the most part, been concerned with empirically estimating production functions and supply-and-demand curves; the macroeconomic front has generally been con­cerned with the empirical estimation of macroeconomic relationships and their connections to individual behavior. The macroeconomic estimation problems include all the microeconomic problems plus many more, so it is not surprising that empirical work in macroeconomics is far more in debate than empirical work in microeconomics.

We begin our consideration with a general statement of four empirical approaches used by various economists. Then we consider economists’ early attempts at integrating statistical work with informal observations. Next, we see how reasonable yet ad hoc decisions were made about the problems regarding the statistical treatment of data, leading to the development of a subdiscipline of economics—econometrics. Finally, we consider how those earlier ad hoc deci­sions have led to cynicism on the part of some economists about econometric work and the unsettled state of empirical economics today.

Empirical Economics Letters

Economic Empirical, Empirical Research in Economics

Almost all economists believe that economics must ultimately be an empirical discipline, that their theories of how the economy works must be related to (and, if possible, tested against) real-world events and data. But economists differ enormously on how one does this and what implications can be drawn afterward. We will distinguish four different approaches to relating theories to the real world: common-sense empiricism, statistical analysis, classical econometric analysis, and Bayesian econometric analysis.

Common-sense empiricism is an approach that relates theory to reality through direct observation of real world events with a minimum of statistical aids. You look at the world around you and determine if it matches your theoretical notions. It is the way in which most economists approached economic issues until the late nineteenth century; before then, most economists were not highly trained in statistical methods, the data necessary to undertake statistical methods did not exist, many standard statistical methods that we now take for granted had not yet been developed, and computational capabilities were limited.

Common-sense empiricism is sometimes disparagingly called armchair em­piricism. The derogatory term conveys a sense of someone sitting at a desk, developing a theory, and then selectively choosing data and events to support that theory.

Supporters of common-sense empiricism would object to that characterization because the approach can involve careful observation, extensive field work, case studies, and direct contact with the economic events and institutions being studied. Supporters of common-sense empiricism argue that individuals can be trained to be open to a wide range of real-world events; individuals can objectively assess whether their theories match those events. The common-sense approach requires that economists constantly observe economic phenomena, with trained eyes, thereby seeing things that other people would miss. It has no precise line of demarcation to ultimately determine whether a theory should or should not be accepted, but it does have an imprecise line. If you expected one result and another occurred, you should question the theory. The researcher’s honesty with himself or herself provides the line of demarca­tion.

The statistical analysis approach also requires one to look at reality but emphasizes aspects of events that can be quantified and thereby be subject to statistical measure and analysis. A focus is often given to statistically classifying, measuring, and describing economic phenomena. This approach is sometimes derisively called measurement without theory. Supporters of the approach object to that characterization, arguing that it is simply an approach that allows for the possibility of many theories and permits the researcher to choose the most relevant theory. They claim that it is an approach that prevents preconsidered theoretical notions from shaping the interpretation of the data.

The statistical analysis approach is very similar to common-sense empiricism but unlike that approach, the statistical approach uses whatever statistical tools and techniques are available to squeeze every last bit of understanding from a data set. It does not attempt to relate the data to a theory; instead, it lets the data (or the computer analyzing the data) do the talking. As the computer has increased researchers’ capabilities of statistically analyzing data, the approaches of common-sense empiricism and statistical analysis have diverged.

The classical econometric approach is a method of empirical analysis that directly relates theory and data. The common-sense sensibility of the researcher, or his or her understanding of the phenomena, plays little role in the empirical analysis; the classical econometrician is simply a technician who allows the data to do the testing of the theory. This approach makes use of classical statistical methods to formally test the validity of a theory. The econometric approach, which developed in the 1930s, is now the approach most typically taught in modern economics departments. Its history is the primary focus of this chapter.

The Bayesian approach directly relates theory and data, but in the interpre­tation of any statistical test, it takes the position that the test is not definitive. It is based on the Bayesian approach to statistics that seeks probability laws not as objective laws but as subjective degrees of belief. In Bayesian analysis, statistical analysis cannot be used to determine objective truth; it can be used only as an aid in coming to a subjective judgment. Thus, researchers must simply use the statistical tests to modify their subjective opinions. Bayesian econometrics is a technical extension of common-sense empiricism. In it, data and data analysis do not answer questions; they are simply tools to assist the researcher’s common sense.

These approaches are not all mutually exclusive. For example, one can use common-sense empiricism in the initial development of a theory and then use econometrics to test the theory. Similarly, Bayesian analysis requires that re­searchers arrive at their own prior belief by some alternative method, such as common-sense empiricism. However, the Bayesian and the classical interpreta­tions of statistics are mutually exclusive, and ultimately each researcher must choose one or the other.

Technology affects not only the economy itself but also the methods econo­mists use to analyze the economy. Thus, it should not be surprising that computer technology is making major differences in the way economists approach the economy and do empirical work. As one observer put it: Had automobiles experienced the same technological gains as computers, Ferraris would be selling for 50 cents. Wouldn’t that change your driving habits? The computer certainly has changed economists’ empirical work, and it will do so much more in the future.

In some cases technology has merely made it easier to do things we have already been doing. Statistical tests, for example, are now done pro forma by computer programs. Recursive systems with much more complicated dynamics are finding a wider audience. Baysesian measures are beginning to show up in standard computer software statistical programs. Another group of economists is using a VAR (Vector Auto Regression) approach. They simply look to the computer to find patterns in data independent of any theory.

Another set of changes is more revolutionary than evolutionary. Recently a group of empirical economists have been focusing more on agent-based model­ing. These are simulations in which local individual optimization goals of heterogeneous agents are specified and modeled. But instead of being deductively determined, the results are simulated to determine the surviving strategies. In these simulations individuals are allowed to build up institutions and enter into coalitions, providing a much closer parallel to real-world phenomena.

Another change that we have seen is the development and use of a technique called calibration in macroeconomic models. Models are not tested empirically; instead, they are calibrated to see if the empirical evidence is consistent with what the model could have predicted. In calibration, the role of simple general equilibrium models with parameters determined by introspection along with simple dynamic time-series averages is emphasized. Statistical “fit” is explicitly rejected as a primary goal of empirical work. There is debate about precisely what calibration shows, but if a model cannot be calibrated, then it should not be retained.

A final change has been the development of a “natural experiment” approach to empirical work. This approach uses intuitive economic theory rather than structural models and uses natural experiments as the data points.

Experimental Economists and Simulation, Experimental Economics

May 8th, 2009

Recently, a group of economists has begun to undertake a different approach to empirical work in economics. Using animals or people to act as buyers and sellers of an unnamed commodity, and knowing the underlying supply and demand conditions, they determine whether the theory correctly predicts the results that occur in an “experiment. These experimental economists claim to have proved various economic propositions through their experiments.

Let us consider a test they did using a procedure called a “double oral auction market,” in which buyers and sellers publicly announce bid and offering prices. Vernon Smith, a leader and developer of much of this work, conducted a laboratory experiment in 1956 to test whether equilibrium would be achieved in a double oral auction market. Students took roles as suppliers and demanders and called out their prices. Within fifteen minutes, with a market of fourteen students on each side, the price came very close to the equilibrium price; once it arrived there, it tended to stay there. When demand shifted (when students were given sheets of paper telling them different demand conditions), the price adjusted relatively quickly to the new equilibrium price. This experiment has been replicated by a number of other economists.

Such an approach has several possible uses. By using the experimental method, economists can see how markets react under different institutional conditions. In a recent experiment, researchers tested a posted-price market and compared it to a double-oral auction market. In a posted-price market, firms and buyers post a price for a period of time and stick to it. Researchers found that prices tended to be higher in posted-price markets than in double-oral auction markets, a finding that led the U.S. Department of Transportation to ask the help of experimental economists in solving a problem concerning the pricing of railroads and barges. The railroads had asked the Department of Transportation to switch from privately negotiated freight rates to publicly posted rates, arguing that public posting would protect both themselves and small barge owners from unannounced price-cutting by large barge owners. When experimenters simu­lated the two types of markets, however, they found the opposite to be the case: price posting tended to yield higher prices than private negotiation and hurt small barge operators. The railroads dropped their request.

Another test done by experimental economists was of the Coase theorem, which states that parties who are capable of harming one another but who can negotiate will bargain to an efficient outcome, regardless of which side has the legal right to inflict damage. The experimental results confirmed this prediction. However, the experiment found that when individuals were endowed with the legal right by means of a coin flip, they almost inevitably did not extract the full individual rational share of the bargaining surplus that is predicted by game theory. Instead, the bargainers almost inevitably shared the surplus equally. This suggests that a fairness ethic, not pure rational individual maximization, governs distribution. This in turn suggests that individuals do not perceive asymmetric property rights as legitimate if they are awarded randomly. However, when property rights were awarded to the individual who won a game of skill before the experiment, the experimenters noted that two-thirds of the individuals with the property right obtained most of the joint surplus, whereas under the random assignment treatment none did.

Given the problems of empirically testing theories, it is not surprising that this work has gained in importance. Its acceptance by the profession would have wide-ranging implications and would require significant changes not only in the training of economists but also in their role in society and their entire approach to economic problems.

A related development is analysis through simulations. In this work models are designed that have multiple agents who follow simple, locally based rules. Then simulations are run, and it is determined which rules survive and which do not. This allows modelers to choose assumptions by their survival rather than by introspection.

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    I hereby state that I have received financial compensation for some of the posts on this blog from sponsors who want to have their product(s) and/or service(s) be reviewed by me.